Tuesday, December 25, 2012

A Wake-Up Call For BJP - Analysis Eurasia Review

A Wake-Up Call For BJP - Analysis Eurasia Review:


A Wake-Up Call For BJP – Analysis

December 21, 2012
The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has reasons to be concerned over the results of the elections to the State Assemblies of Gujarat and Himachal Pradesh announced on December 20, 2012.
The elections were preceded by a sustained campaign based on allegations of corruption against the Government of Dr. Manmohan Singh, and some Congress leaders of Himachal Pradesh They were also preceded by a steady increase in inflation and by the economy reaching a road-block. The campaign of Anna Hazare and the anti-corruption activists headed by Shri Arvind Kejriwal since August last year was mainly directed against Congress misgovernance.
Location of Gujarat in India
Location of Gujarat in India
Many of us formed the perception that the public disenchantment against the Congress was so strong that its electoral defeat in the various elections to the State Assemblies and to the Lok Sabha in 2014 would be certain. We were surprised when public opinion polls held in some states a few months ago indicated that the disenchantment with the Congress was not as widespread as one thought it would be and that any disenchantment that did exist had not translated itself into enchantment with the BJP.I had pointed out in earlier articles and tweets that the BJP had not been a beneficiary of any disenchantment with the Congress.
This was because of public skepticism over the capability of the BJP to set right matters and over the internal mess in its organization in States such as Karnataka. It was apparent that campaigns solely based on allegations of corruption and criticism of the dynasty rule were not making headway with the rural and small town voters. Signs of a creeping disillusionment with the BJP were there for all to see if only they wanted to see them.
The results of the elections to the Gujarat and HP State Assemblies clearly show that these misgivings were not ill-based. The elections to the Gujarat Assembly were preceded by months of a high-voltage campaign mounted by a group of Gujarati whiz-kids from the diaspora in the US to project NaMo as the coming saviour of India, who had performed economic miracles in Gujarat, which he was destined to repeat in New Delhi after gravitating to New Delhi and taking over as the Prime Minister of India following the 2014 elections.
NaMo willingly and uncritically allowed these whiz-kids from abroad and their associates in Gujarat to project him in a new designer-made personality as the development man, as India’s man of economic miracles, as the ruler who turned Gujarat into India’s Guangdong. Interestingly, some of these Hindutva whiz-kids from the US were earlier associated with some Telugu whiz-kids from Andhra Pradesh in the US, who had mounted a campaign some years ago to project Shri Chandra Babu Naidu, former Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh, as the man of the technology-based development miracle sweeping across AP and as the coming saviour of India when the NDA under Shri Atal Behari Vajpayee was in power.
These whiz-kids and NaMo had so convinced themselves that Gujarat was shining under him that they created for themselves an illusory world of unstoppable NaMo who was bound to sweep the polls in Gujarat before moving on to New Delhi. Their exaggerated expectations, based on hype and delusions, on the number of seats that NaMo was likely to get far exceeding what he got in 2007 drove them blind to the ground reality.
The Congress poll strategists, advised by sons of the soil analysts and not by imported whiz-kids, concluded that the strong state of the BJP in Gujarat and its undoubted economic record and the poor state of the Congress would not enable them to prevent another NaMo victory. Their strategy was, therefore, designed to devalue the significance of NaMo’s hat-trick.
Whatever NaMo’s spin-kids may say, his was not a phenomenal victory. That NaMo himself realizes this is obvious from his remark in the victory speech “a victory is a victory, whether one gets 93 or more”. The tone of his victory speech was that of an embarrassed leader whose Himalayan expectations have been belied.
Two significant indicators of the Gujarat poll results are the fact that the BJP got two seats less than in 2007 and registered a fall of one per cent in its popular support (48 %).As against this, the popular support of the Congress went up by one per cent to 40. The poll results clearly show a saturation effect and the onset of a NaMo fatigue. NaMo’s victory speech in Hindi was designed to conceal the signs of this fatigue and to project the significance of his hat-trick against a pan-Indian instead of a purely Gujarati background. NaMo is no longer the man going up and up and up. He is an engine which is beginning to stall.
If the Gujarat results are significant purely against the State perspective, the HP results are very significant from the pan-Indian perspective against the background of the sustained anti-Congress and anti-dynasty campaign mounted by the BJP. This campaign has failed to dent the Congress image. The BJP has not been a beneficiary of this campaign and is unlikely to be its beneficiary in other States too during the 2014 polls to the Lok Sabha.
If the BJP does not revamp itself and design a new poll strategy based on ground realities and not on imported myth and delusions of diaspora origin, its hopes of returning to power in New Delhi in 2014 are likely to be belied. If its own chances of returning to power are so weak, where is the question of NaMo assuming its leadership and becoming the next PM. It will be premature and futile to analyse NaMo’s chances, when the BJP’s own chances are questionable.
The BJP leaders should stop building castles in the air.
About the author:
B. Raman
B. Raman is Additional Secretary (retd), Cabinet Secretariat, Govt. of India, New Delhi, and, presently, Director, Institute For Topical Studies, Chennai and Associate, Chennai Centre For China Studies. E-mail: seventyone2@gmail.com

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Sunday, November 18, 2012

We, The People - YouTube

We, The People - YouTube:
(Tehelka debate- Rajib Chandrasekhar & Rajib Chandrasekhar discuss corruption)
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Me And Mine In A Plane Of Our Own | Amba Batra Bakshi

Me And Mine In A Plane Of Our Own | Amba Batra Bakshi:


S. SUDARSHAN
Fancy Toys Private jets and other aircraft crowd the tarmac at Nagpur airport
POLITICS: CHARTERED FLIGHTS
Me And Mine In A Plane Of Our Own
For more and more politicians, the sign of big-time arrival is arrival by hired aircraft
The much-publicised, opulent wedding of BJP president Nitin Gadkari’s son in Nagpur last fortnight saw as many as 30 aircraft being chartered to ferry guests for the three-day event. The fleet: two planes from Karnataka, an Airbus from Delhi with high-profile guests, private planes from Uttarakhand, Gujarat, Chhattisgarh and Madhya Pradesh. But it’s not Gadkari alone. The trend of politicians, across parties, using private aircraft and choppers has of late seen a huge increase. Once used mainly for election campaigns to save time and take netas to far-flung places, choppers and private planes are now routinely used by them for private trips—even to places well-connected by commercial flights.
A BJP leader puts this in perspective: “These days even small-time netas hire choppers and planes despite the option of commercial flights. Taking chartered aircraft has become a status symbol.” Venkaiah Naidu, for instance, took a chartered plane this June to attend a party function in Mumbai. He flew back to Delhi within a few hours. Another senior leader flew to Mumbai in a private plane to attend a wedding.
Taking chartered flights means huge bills: the average cost per hour is Rs 2 lakh for private jets, Rs 70-90 lakh for choppers. A flight from Delhi to Chennai and back could cost around Rs 12 lakh—perhaps more, depending on time on the ground, for which the hiring rate remains the same. Capt A. Ranganathan, an aviation expert, says, “The use of corporate aircraft is uncontrolled. In Delhi and Mumbai, during peak hours, general flights are embargoed and therefore delayed. But many chartered aircraft are bulldozed into the slots because some mantri or the other is on board.”
Since flying private is seen as a status symbol and a reflection of one’s stature in a political party, the desire to be seen doing so runs high in all parties across the country. BSP general secretary Satish Chandra Mishra is known to use only private carriers for party and personal work. In Madhya Pradesh, chief minister Shivraj Singh Chauhan uses only private planes. According to sources, a week ago, Chauhan flew to three different weddings of party workers in a private plane. A BJP functionary in charge of organising these trips points out that “the CM is popular with party workers because he makes sure he attends every ceremony he’s invited for. He can’t cover the distances by road so he has to fly. Private planes ferry him at least 10 days in a month.” He says private planes are also hired in Madhya Pradesh for the trips of senior party leaders in Delhi.

The Cost Of High FlyingA Delhi-Chennai to-and-fro day-trip can set
a hirer back by some Rs 15 lakh or more
A case in point was the BJP’s ‘karyakarta gaurav diwas’ celebrations, held in Bhopal on November 29. Four special aircraft took four senior party leaders to Bhopal for the rally, attended by over one lakh party workers. L.K. Advani, former party president Rajnath Singh and Venkaiah Naidu all flew in by chartered aircraft. A helicopter was hired for aerial photography  too.
In the Congress, Rahul Gandhi is said to frequently use the services of a close friend who runs an aircraft charter business based in Gurgaon. “The younger generation in the Congress uses these services very regularly. Using schedule flights is out of the questions,” says a source. Among the regular users of chartered aircraft in the Congress are Union surface transport minister Kamal Nath, minister of state Jyotiraditya Scindia and party general secretary Digvijay Singh. Civil aviation minister Praful Patel (of the Nationalist Congress Party) is also known to be a regular patron of chartered services and uses them a couple of times a month.
Perhaps it has become acceptable even in the RSS, which traditionally professes austere living. Suresh Soni, a Sangh heavyweight, recently took a private chopper to attend a wedding in Nagpur. Ananth Kumar, a former civil aviation minister and therefore used to the idea of flying more than many others, is known to use private choppers to attend functions. On October 10, in the thick of the Karnataka crisis, Ananth Kumar flew to Baroda in Gujarat to attend a book release function of a Bharatiya Janata Yuva Morcha functionary and got back to Karnataka the same day.
The Directorate General of Civil Aviation (DGCA), too, confirms this huge increase in chartered traffic. “It’s only a bother when these flights ask for a priority landing because then air traffic controllers begin to complain that other flights are held up for take-off or landing,” says a senior DGCA official. “Satellite airports are the need of the hour since chartered traffic is increasing so rapidly. Delhi-Mumbai and Delhi-Chennai are the two sectors in which many private aircraft are hired.”
Ranganathan highlights the perils: “The dangers are plenty. There are no flight duty time limitations (FDTL) for private operators. There is no proper surveillance of their safety standards. Private pilots do not undergo regular simulator training like airline pilots.” Despite all this, netas, it seems, love to fly private—as frequently as possible.

By Amba Batra Bakshi and Prarthana Gahilote

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Monday, October 15, 2012

Irrigation scam: Whistleblower suggests how government can save Rs 42,000 crore | NDTV.com

Irrigation scam: Whistleblower suggests how government can save Rs 42,000 crore | NDTV.com:

Irrigation scam: Whistleblower suggests how government can save Rs. 42,000 crore

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Irrigation scam: Whistleblower suggests how government can save Rs 42,000 crore
Pune: Vijay Pandhare, the man who blew the lid off Maharashtra's 70,000 crore irrigation scam, has suggested the government to immediately cancel all projects which are yet to complete even 25 per cent of their work. Mr Pandhare claims the state will be able to save a whopping Rs. 42,000 crore by doing so.

The whistleblower, whose letter to the chief minister exposed the scam leading to the resignation of deputy chief minister Ajit Pawar, said, "'That is the only way left now to bring a curb on wasteful expenditure."

Without taking name of any prominent leader, the chief engineer in charge of safety and research of the irrigation department said that his department was in the hands of selfish and corrupt ministers and they should be removed. He alleged that public money is being wasted under the garb of executing big projects which are nothing but sheer loot. Mr Pandhare has been provided with security cover after Mr Pawar's resignation.

Speaking at a seminar in Pune, the chief engineer claimed that in the last 15 years the state government has spent over one lakh crore rupees over such projects, but has not been able to bring the desired land percentage under irrigation. He alleged it was only because of the corrupt and selfish attitude of the people heading the irrigation department.

Mr Pandhare was speaking at a seminar in Pune to review irrigation policies in Maharashtra. Social activists Medha Patkar, Vishwambhar Chaudhari and other prominent social activists were present.

Mr Pandhare had earlier written to Governor K Sankaranarayanan and Mr Chavan, drawing their attention to the "poor quality" of irrigation projects, inflated budget and irregularities in purchase of materials.

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Wednesday, October 10, 2012

L'affaire Vadra shows up the BJP as Congress's B team - Rediff.com India News

L'affaire Vadra shows up the BJP as Congress's B team - Rediff.com India News:

L'affaire Vadra shows up the BJP as Congress's B team

October 09, 2012 18:22 IST
With an opposition party so compromised and so complicit in the rampant loot and corruption that we have witnessed in recent years, isn't Robert Vadra quite on the mark when he calls India [ Images ] a 'banana republic', asks Sushant Sareen.
The irony is inescapable: even as the top-rung government ministers and party apparatchiks were coming out in droves to defend the alleged malfeasance of the first son-in-law, the man under the cloud of suspicion himself exposed his defenders and the rotten state of national affairs they are lording over by contemptuously calling India a 'banana republic'.
If not for financial honesty and propriety, then at least for political honesty, Robert Vadra needs to be complimented. After all, it is only in a banana republic that someone like Vadra can make so much money in so little time, not because he is some kind of financial genius but because he has the right connections because of which he has the right kind of friends.
Indeed India has been reduced to a banana republic by the people running this government who are selling valuable national resources for peanuts to oblige cronies masquerading as capitalists and industrialists and buy political allies. Thus it is that 2G, Commonwealth Games [ Images ], coal-gate, and a host of other scandals are all par for the course.
A new controversy has now erupted over the remarkable business acumen of Vadra, who in a matter of few years has multiplied his wealth from Rs 5 million to Rs 5 billion. Quite aside the fact that he has managed to do this through companies that apparently don't do any business activity, L'affaire Vadra has made us 'mango people' -- the cynical, if not derogatory, term used by the first son-in-law for the people in whose name his family's political party seeks votes in elections, ie, aam aadmi -- aware of the existence of the Indian version of the 'princeling' phenomenon, which we thought was prevalent only in Communist China.
The other great revelation of this phoenix-like rise of Indian 'princelings' is the unwritten but more or less scrupulously observed honour code between the two main political parties wherein all crimes of omission and commission of the 'princelings' become taboo subjects.
In this modern Indian version of 'honour among thieves', if you happen to be the progeny or married to a progeny of any top political party leader, then you have complete immunity from law. Come to think of it, even if you happen to be related to the second or third rung of politicians, chances are you can get away with murder (remember the Jessica Lal [ Images ] case?) if you can keep things under the wraps long enough.
Of course, Manu Sharma was unlucky because there was no conspiracy of silence in the media to play down his case. But when it comes to the first family of top political leaders (and here one is not just talking about the Congress party but also including all other parties), then you get to play monopoly (with the nation's property and resources) with a perpetual 'get out of jail free' card.
The defence of the son-in-law by the courtiers was only to be expected. But the real eye-opener has been the silence on the part of the main opposition. The grapevine for quite some time has been buzzing that the Bharatiya Janata Party [ Images ] is a 'friendly' opposition party. In recent weeks, the BJP had started acquiring the reputation of being a 'compliant' (even compromised) opposition party. But now it appears that it is actually the 'B' team of the ruling Congress and is as in thrall of the first family of the Congress as the Congress itself.
What was most hilarious was that while the Congress was trying to deflect the focus from Vadra's 'business wizardry' by accusing the BJP of firing a salvo against the Gandhi family using the shoulder of India Against Corruption, the BJP, instead of demanding an investigation into the dubious dealings of Vadra, was busy trying to convince the Congress that it had nothing to do with the entire episode.
Amazingly, none of the BJP stalwarts who are normally visible on the television screens were anywhere to be found. It was almost as though they were on trial, not Vadra. With an opposition party so compromised and so complicit in the rampant loot and corruption that we have witnessed in recent years, isn't Vadra quite on the mark when he calls India a 'banana republic'? 
Of course, allowing the princelings the freedom to loot with impunity doesn't apply across the board and the party that generally violates this principle the most is the Congress. In fact, while the Congress expects that its princelings will not be touched, but fingering princelings from other parties is perfectly legitimate and acceptable.
Take for instance the case of Jaganmohan Reddy [ Images ]. While he was a Congress princeling, he was given a free hand to become a billionaire. Not a single eyebrow was raised over the method and manner in which he made his pile. But no sooner than he started challenging the party high command, his corruption suddenly became visible.
Despite dark stories about the scion of a top Delhi [ Images ] politician making tonnes of money on property deals, no one is interested in the case. But when it comes to a BS Yeddyrurappa's shenanigans to favour his kids, all hell breaks loose. Come to think of it, the Congress was quite blase about targeting Sukhbir Badal, the Chautalas and other such princelings, but suffers paroxysm of rage when it comes to its own princelings.
This is not to say that what the opposition parties' princelings do is kosher or should be excused. Certainly not, but why not have the same standards for all princelings?
Needless to say, for us 'mango men' to expect any sort of accountability of the princelings from the banana republic is nothing short of a pipe dream. Perhaps the time has come for a codification of this honour among thieves code so that we are at least spared the mortification of watching elaborate and often brazen cover-ups of corruption by the princelings.
Sushant Sareen
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Thursday, August 9, 2012

Aruna Roy: People's movements will catalyse the political establishment - Times Of India

Aruna Roy: People's movements will catalyse the political establishment - Times Of India:

Aruna Roy: People's movements will catalyse the political establishment

Manoj Mitta Aug 8, 2012, 12.00AM IST
Aruna Roy , social activist and founder of the Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathana (MKSS), has been a powerful force behind agitations for NREGA and the Right to Information (RTI). Speaking withManoj Mitta, Roy discussed the Lokpal agitation, the disbanding of Team Anna - and how the anti-corruption movement can proceed:
Do you see Team Anna's disbandment as a vindication of the reservations you had over its approach to the Lokpal Bill?
Anna Hazare's team has decided to become a political party for bringing 'total revolution'. The switch from a campaign to a party will bring a different set of dynamics. A party cannot be uni-focussed - a campaign can. With this shift, the enactment of the Jan Lokpal Bill is dependent on their winning elections.
The Lokpal issue continues to be important for the National Campaign for Peoples' Right to Information (NCPRI) and others. We're convinced that fighting corruption needs multiple legal measures, years of committed work and a plurality of efforts from the village upwards.
Why do you think this anti-corruption movement lost its mass appeal so suddenly?
All sustained campaigns have to budget for years of hard work, continual engagement with the people and numerous battles with the establishment. This campaign lost hope much too soon and it didn't seem to take into account the whimsical nature of popularity.
Movements should be gauged by their capacity to sustain a campaign through multiple modes, a lesson the NCPRI-RTI campaign learnt through 11 years of struggle. Even after its enactment, the mass appeal of the RTI movement continues to grow through struggles against corruption and the arbitrary use of power - but without drawing large numbers of people to one location.
What is your view on the fast-unto-death as a means of protest?
Every campaign has a right to choose its mode of protest. The MKSS, after two hunger strikes in 1990 and 1991, came to an understanding that in the current climate, this is not a prudent tool. It puts great pressure on protesters with little impact on an insensitive and intractable adversary. We understood that we do not have the stature of Gandhiji. We also realised the democratic pro-cess of advocacy, based on truth and logic, is overtaken by concerns of an individual's health.
Is the collapse of Team Anna's campaign a setback to social movements in India?
Social movements are dyna-mic and India has a strong living tradition of social movements. For instance, the Ekta Parishad's been walking through thousands of villages on the land issue since October 2, 2011. An estimated one lakh villagers and tribals are expected to march to Delhi later this year. Many thousands of local efforts, the mainstay of social movements, continue to exist.
We need to recognise that social movements like the RTI have brought transparency and governance issues to the threshold of a new accountability regime, without taking recourse to electoral politics. People's movements will continue to catalyse the poli-tical establishment and bring accountability to the system - before, during and after elections.
With the Lokpal Bill pending before a select committee in Parliament, what is your strategy for the 'basket of measures' you espoused?
The NCPRI's campaign for these measures has made significant progress. The Grievance Redress Bill and the Whistleblower Bill should ideally be passed in the monsoon session. We must all hold the government to its assurance that the Lokpal Bill will be enacted as soon as possible.
We will intensify our campaign, dialogue with all political parties and continue to build popular pressure to demand effective accountability and anti-corruption legislations.

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